Posts Tagged ‘U.S. news’

Robert Reich: The Jobs Emergency

a dollar sign composed of fire on a black background highlights this Robert Reich article on the jobs emergencya dollar sign composed of fire on a black background highlights this Robert Reich article on the jobs emergency

Evans Liberal Politics
August 10, 2010

 

Robert Reich: The Jobs Emergency

 

 

The Jobs Emergency, Robert Reich.org, August 9, 2010, by Robert Reich, used with permission, quoted verbatim:

Washington’s latest answer to the worst jobs crisis since the Great Depression is $26 billion in aid to state and local governments. This still leaves the states and locales more than $62 billion in the hole this fiscal year. And because every state except Vermont has to balance its budget, the likely result is 600,000 to 700,000 more state and local jobs vanishing over the next 12 months (including private contractors and other businesses that depend on state and local governments) according to the Center on Budget and Policy Priorities. Say goodbye to even more of the teachers, firefighters, sanitary workers, and police officers we depend on.

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In July alone, state and local employment dropped 48,000. Not counting temporary census workers, the federal government shed 11,000. So with private payrolls increasing a paltry 71,000, July’s overall increase in payrolls was just 12,000.

12,000 new jobs in July — when 125,000 are needed monthly just to keep up with population growth, when more than 15 million Americans are out of work, and when more than a half million more state and local jobs are on the chopping block.

With the worst jobs crisis since the Great Depression worsening, you might expect emergency action out of Washington. But the biggest upcoming debate there is whether to extend the Bush tax cuts for the richest 2 percent, or for everyone, or for no one. This is like debating whether to get a mousetrap when your home is sinking in quicksand.

We need a response proportional to the crisis. Obama, Pelosi, and Reed should summon Congress back to Washington for action on the jobs emergency.

First item on the agenda: establishing a federal bank that will provide states and locales zero-interest loans, to be repaid when their unemployment rates drop to 5 percent or below.

Second item: eliminating payroll taxes on the first $20,000 of all incomes and make up the difference by subjecting all income above $250,000 to the payroll tax. (Remember, the wealthy save most of their after-tax income, lower-income Americans spend it.)

Third item: recreating the WPA to hire Americans directly. The Works Progress Administration put Americans back to work during the Depression rebuilding the nation’s infrastructure.

The jobs emergency requires no less.

here. The above article is from Reich’s new blog, and can be viewed here.

Thanks to Professor Reich for permission to publish his articles on an ongoing basis.

With Apologies to Professor Reich…:

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George Carlin: The American Dream


OR: Why the American Education System Will Stay "Broken"



George Carlin performs a scathing and effective monologue on why the American education system will stay broken "The American Dream": (This is a repeat due to popular demand.) George Carlin performs a brilliant and scathing monologue on our serfdom which may be his very best short effort. — 3:15. Scary stuff.

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Possible Verizon-Google Deal Worries Net Neutrality Advocates

Evans Liberal Politics
August 6, 2010

 

Possible Verizon-Google Deal Worries Net Neutrality Advocates

 

Internet & Tech News You Can Trust

 

Possible Verizon-Google Deal Worries Net Neutrality Advocates, Truthout, August 5, 2010, by Deb Weinstein, quoted verbatim:

A rumored deal between cellphone service provider Verizon Wireless and Internet giant Google that would give preferential speeds to Google properties such as YouTube on mobile devices has net neutrality advocates on edge. Details of the agreement, as first reported by The New York Times, has thrown net neutrality advocates in a tailspin. By creating a two-tier Internet system, advocates say it not only exploits mobile users trapped in service agreements, but also works around years of wrangling over what constitutes a fair playing field on the Internet.

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The Federal Communications Commissions (FCC) chairman, Julius Genachowski, came out strongly against the rumored deal, saying, “Any outcome, any deal that doesn’t preserve the freedom and openness of the Internet for consumers and entrepreneurs will be unacceptable.”

Timothy Karr, the campaign director for Washington-based interest group Free Press says the ramifications of allowing a distinct set of rules to guide mobile devices is significant because it’s not simply a matter of a consumer choosing what they like, but, rather, choosing what they like based on blinders imposed by their service providers. “The problem … is it exposes tens of millions of people who are now using handhelds, smart phones … [to get onto the Internet and] it has the potential to limit their ability to speak freely online.”

According to the Pew Research Center, approximately 40 percent of adults use mobile devices to tap into the web, while marketing research company comScore calculated that 107 percent more people accessed the web through mobile devices in 2009 than they did in 2008.

According to Karr, the purported Verizon-Google agreement could kill off independent startups. Using Twitter and YouTube as examples, Karr said these two sites popped up on the Internet without having to clear hoops and were successful because of consumers. “[Creators didn’t have to ask permission of the carrier … and it grew by virtue of its popularity” he said. Should the Google-Verizon deal be as The New York Times reports, however, Karr says that instead of consumers determining what succeeds, Google and Verizon would, because they would control what reaches the mobile audience.

The Communications Director for the public interest group Public Knowledge, Art Brodsky, also pointed out an additional drawback to non-neutral mobile web: service contracts make it difficult for users to simply drop a carrier they think may be giving a less-than-level Internet experience.

Net neutrality has been a contentious issue over which communications companies and the FCC have been tussling for years. The FCC has tried to assert authority over the wired Internet and insist that all content should have an equal shot at reaching users – meaning if a connection is slow, users struggle to reach every site equally, rather than having certain sites reach consumers more quickly because they are preferred business partners. The FCC, however, lost the right to rein in providers in April, and since then has been in talks with heavyweights from Verizon, Google and US Telecom, among others, on how to best go forward. At the same, time, however, some of these pro-neutrality companies have staked out positions on the anti-regulation side as well – ergo, a workaround like the rumored Verizon-Google pact, even though Google has billed itself as a proponent of equal access for all. Public Knowledge’s Brodsky says the logic behind playing both sides is obvious. “The mobile Web is obviously the future, the phone company’s know it” he said.

Money is also flowing heavily on the anti-neutrality side: the Sunlight Foundation found that in the first three months of 2010, anti-neutrality groups put $19.7 million in anti-regulation lobbying, compared with $4.7 million that flowed from the pro-neutrality side. The Sunlight Foundation also found that 74 members of the House of Representatives who demanded Congressional oversight guide FCC regulation have been long-standing beneficiaries of the anti-neutrality coalition.

Google stands by its net-neutral position and says The New York Times report is off base. “The New York Times piece is quite simply wrong. We have not had any conversations with Verizon about paying for carriage of Google or YouTube traffic,” Google spokesperson Mistique Cano wrote. Alluding to Google’s legacy as a net-neutrality advocate Cano added, “We remain as committed as we always have been to an open Internet.”

See Google and Verizon Near Deal on Web Pay Tiers, The New York Times, August 4, 2010, by Edward Wyatt.

See Minn Post: Franken: Net neutrality the ‘most important First Amendment issue of our time’, Sen. Al Franken, August 5, 2010, by Al Franken, excerpt quoted verbatim:

WASHINGTON — Sen. Al Franken today said the principle of net neutrality — meaning that equivalent Internet access is given to all content — is “under assault — not from the government but from corporations seeking to control the flow of information in America.”

In an opinion column published on CNN.com, Franken warned that allowing prioritization online would violate the First Amendment by allowing one set of information to have more priority than another, implicitly shunning those who can’t pay for access.

See Internet: New domestic surveillance details emerge, Daily Kos on Evans Liberal Politics, August 3, 2010, by Deep Harm: Project Vigilant is an alliance of government, ISP providers and 600 volunteers. Recorded Future, a Google and CIA “investment” “scours tens of thousands of websites, blogs and Twitter accounts”. It gets worse.

See Comcast Merger – Keith Olbermann: Comcast would make MSNBC ‘more liberal’, The Hill on Evans Liberal Politics, July 23, 2010, by Sarah Jerome and assorted neocon commenters: Keith Olberman actually thinks the MSNBC Comcast merger would make MSNBC more liberal, but ten rather neocon commenters (included) are rather rankled. (humor)

Visit SaveTheInternet.com and send an email to tell Google not to be evil.

Sign the petition to tell Congress to save Net Neutrality.

Did You Know You Can Search Using Google Anonymously? Try Google’s new beta for encrypted search, https://www.google.com/!

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The Twitter phenomenon - audio breakdown of America's obsession "The Twitter Phenomenon:" CNN’s Rick Sanchez Praises Twitter, Gregg Doyel Calls It “Dumb” — 9:15


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Robert Reich: The Enthusiasm Gap and You

Evans Liberal Politics
August 5, 2010

 

Robert Reich: The Enthusiasm Gap and You

 

The Enthusiasm Gap and You, Robert Reich.org, August 4, 2010, by Robert Reich, used with permission, quoted verbatim:

A friend whom I’ll call David raised a ton of money for Democrats in 2008 and now tells me they can go to hell. He’s furious about the no-strings bailout of Wall Street, the absence of a public option in health reform, financial reform that doesn’t cap the size of banks or reinstate the Glass-Steagall wall between investment and commercial banking, and a stimulus that was too small to do much good but big enough to give Republicans a campaign issue. He’s also upset about tens of thousands of additional troops being sent to Afghanistan, a watered-down cap-and-trade bill that’s going nowhere, and no Employee Free Choice Act. David won’t raise a penny this fall and doubts he’ll even vote. “I busted my chops getting them elected, and they caved,” he fumes. “They’re all lily-livered wimps, and Obama has the backbone of a worm.”

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Tea Partiers are getting all the press. But the anger on the left, including much of the Democratic base, is almost as intense.

The pattern isn’t new. I remember a gloomy fall 16 years ago when as secretary of labor I traveled around the country trying to rev up the base for the 1994 midterms. I found anger and disillusionment then, too. Of course, Clinton hadn’t accomplished nearly as much as Obama. In fact, he’d pushed initiatives like NAFTA that infuriated the base.

When Republicans control Congress or the White House, their base can get restless but doesn’t seem to suffer the same disillusionment. Republicans stood by Ronald Reagan in the 1982 midterms and rallied enthusiastically for his re-election in 1984. They were out in force for George H.W. Bush’s 1990 midterm as well as George W. Bush’s in 2002 and his 2004 re-election.

Why the asymmetry?

First, the Republican base keeps the heat on after elections so Republican officeholders accomplish what they promise and are less likely to compromise in the first place. The Republican base fueled the Reagan and George W. Bush tax cuts and penalized George H.W. Bush only after he reversed his “read my lips” pledge not to raise taxes.

The Republican base is part of a conservative movement. The Democratic base, by contrast, is a loose coalition that elects a new president and then goes home, expecting the new president to deliver miracles.

When I ask David what he’s done over the last 18 months to push for a more progressive agenda, he says he e-mailed senators in support of a public option and signed a Sierra Club petition for cap-and-trade. “On Afghanistan I even called the White House to tell the president not to send more troops. What else am I supposed to do?”

David thinks of himself as an individual with strong progressive views about specific issues rather than as a member of an ongoing movement with a larger vision of what America should be.

Washington’s network of progressive advocacy groups is just like David. Each has a narrow bandwidth (health, environment, labor, women’s rights) with a national constituency that donates money and sends members of Congress e-mails as requested about particular initiatives.

These groups are staffed by overworked 20-somethings and headed by people who enjoy being minor celebrities at Washington fundraisers and occasional visitors to the White House.

But these groups don’t mobilize people back where they live, and they’re no substitute for a broad progressive movement.

A movement connects the dots across issues and reveals a larger wrong that must be righted.

When it comes to misuse of power, Americans carry two deep-seated fears — of big government taking over and of big business and Wall Street running amok. Both are sometimes justified, but the political response is lopsided. The conservative movement adeptly fits almost every morsel of news to the first fear, giving its members an animating cause: Reduce government.

A progressive movement would focus on the second fear, seeking to protect average working people from the depredations of big business and Wall Street. Given what has occurred in recent years — from Enron and WorldCom through the devastation brought on by Wall Street, to the price-gouging by health insurers like WellPoint and Big Pharma, right through BP — there is no absence of dots to be connected.

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Average Americans are hurting. But their pain isn’t coming from government. It’s coming from an economy whose benefits are concentrating ever more at the top, whose giant corporations are controlling ever more of our democratic process, and whose costs and risks are becoming ever more burdensome for the middle class and the poor. Public schools, parks, and libraries are closing or reducing hours and staff. Median hourly wages are dropping. Unemployment is at levels not seen in decades; long-term joblessness hasn’t been this bad since the 1940s. Social safety nets — unemployment insurance, Social Security, and Medicare — are endangered.

Yet corporate profits are reaching unprecedented levels, and the richest Americans — CEOs, other top corporate executives, investment bankers, and hedge-fund managers — are raking in as much or more than before the Great Recession.

With the election of Barack Obama, many on the left found comfort in the belief that a single man could make transformative change without powerful tailwinds behind him. But that was a pipe dream. No person can do it alone.

I can understand your disillusionment with a president and representatives that seem to bend to the prevailing winds from the right. But if you and David and other progressives wallow in your cynicism we’ll be in much bigger trouble as a nation than we are now.

Here’s what I learned during my years in Washington: Nothing good happens there unless Americans outside Washington are sufficiently mobilized, energized, and organized to make sure it gets done.

Be angry, but channel your anger toward constructive change. This fall, work for the reelection of politicians, or for candidates to replace them, who support a genuinely progressive agenda. And lend your hand to the creation and continued sustenance of a powerful progressive movement in America.

(Originally written for the American Prospect)

Comment by Evans Liberal Politics owner Paul Evans: I have attempted to liven up Professor Reich’s fine article by providing some hyperlinks to interesting, amusing and informative articles on the web about the topics which are linked. I hope those of you who enjoy surfing for surfing’s sake will enjoy my selections. It may even actually be true that you could learn a few things (and hopefully be entertained) by following the links.

See Deficit Scare Talk Is a Big Scam by Corporations and Right-Wingers; The Problem Is Not Enough Good-Paying Jobs, AlterNet, August 5, 2010, by Joshua Holland.

With Apologies to Professor Reich…:

AHEM: Lest We Be Thought Too Square…


Warning: Obscenity. For Mature Audiences Only.

George Carlin: The American Dream


OR: Why the American Education System Will Stay "Broken"



George Carlin performs a scathing and effective monologue on why the American education system will stay broken "The American Dream": George Carlin performs a brilliant and scathing monologue on our serfdom which may be his very best short effort. — 3:15. Scary stuff.

Question for Our Readers: Do you basically agree or disagree with Carlin’s assessment? Please leave a comment.

TRAVESTY: See US foreign aid to subsidize outsourced jobs in South Asia, The Raw Story, August 4, 2010, by Daniel Tencer.

See Gov’t Partnering with Foreign Firms to Outsource Jobs, Daily Kos, August 3, 2010, by Th0rn. An intelligent discussion by a liberal who is supportive of foreign aid yet objects to the insensitivity of this particular group of projects at a time when American workers are crying out for help.

Also see Dems break GOP filibuster on jobs bill, UPI.com, August 4, 2010, by UPI.

here. The above article is from Reich’s new blog, and can be viewed here.

Thanks to Professor Reich for permission to publish his articles on an ongoing basis.

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BP Oil Spill – Obama Administration’s Scientists Admit Alarm Over Dispersants

Evans Liberal Politics
August 4, 2010

 

BP Oil Spill: Obama Administration’s Scientists
Admit Alarm Over Dispersants

 

Obama Administration’s Scientists Admit Alarm Over Dispersants, Common Dreams.org, August 4, 2010, by Suzanne Goldenberg of The Guardian (UK), photo © Reuters, used with permission, quoted verbatim:

The Obama administration is facing internal dissent from its scientists for approving the use of huge quantities of chemical dispersants to tackle the oil spill in the Gulf of Mexico, the Guardian has learned.The US Environmental Protection Agency has come under attack in Congress and from independent scientists for allowing BP to spray almost 2m gallons of the dispersant Corexit on to the slick and, even more controversially, into the leak site 5,000ft below the sea. Now it emerges that EPA’s own experts have been raising similar concerns within the agency.

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[A plane releases chemical dispersant over  the Gulf oil spill. Photograph: Reuters]

Jeff Ruch, the executive director of the whistleblower support group Public Employees for Environmental Responsibility, said he had heard from five scientists and two other officials who had expressed concerns to their superiors about the use of dispersants.”There was one toxicologist who was very concerned about the underwater application particularly,” he said. “The concern was the agency appeared to be flying blind and not consulting its own specialists and even the literature that was available.”

Veterans of the Exxon Valdez spill questioned the wisdom of trying to break up the oil in the deep water at the same time as trying to skim it on the surface. Other EPA experts raised alarm about the effect of dispersants on seafood.

Ruch said EPA experts were being excluded from decision-making on the spill. “Other than a few people in the united command, there is no involvement from the rest of the agency,” he said. EPA scientists would not go public for fear of retaliation, he added.

Jerrold Nadler, a New York Democrat who introduced a ban on dispersants pending further testing in an oil spill bill passed by the House of Representatives last week, said the EPA had failed in its duty to protect the environment.

“We are undertaking a huge uncontrolled experiment with the entire Gulf,” he said. “They have fallen down on the job very substantially because they allowed BP to use dispersants. Even when they told BP not to use dispersants they allowed BP to ignore their advice.”

Independent scientists also criticized the EPA for claiming that the combination of oil and dispersants posed no greater danger to marine life on its own.

On Wednesday, a toxicologist from Texas Tech University is scheduled to tell a Senate hearing that the unprecedented use of dispersants “created an eco-toxicological experiment”.

“The bottom line is that a lot of oil is still at sea dispersed in the water column,” said Ron Kendall. “It’s a big ecological question as to how this will ultimately unfold.” Previous studies, including a 400-page study by the National Academy of Sciences, have warned that the combination of oil and dispersants is more toxic than oil on its own, because the chemicals break down cell walls, making organisms more susceptible to oil.

The EPA issued a report on Monday, based on a study of how much of the mixture was needed to kill a species of shrimp and small fish, just two of the 15,000 types of marine life in the Gulf. The EPA test did not address medium- or long-term effects, or reports last week that dispersants were discovered in the larvae of blue crab, entering the food chain.

“It was only one test and it was very crude. We knew going into this and the EPA knew that this mixture is highly toxic to many, many species. There is a whole weight of literature,” said Susan Shaw, the director of the Marine Environmental Research Institute, who has been organizing on the issue. “It is not the whole science. It’s the convenient science.”

Hugh Kaufman, a senior EPA policy analyst, dismissed the tests as little more than a PR stunt. “They are trying to spin this limited piece of information to make it look like dispersants are safe and that the Corexit dispersant is safe.”

EPA did not immediately respond to requests for comment. It is under fire from Congress for allowing BP and the coast guard to ignore its order last May to cut the use of dispersants by 75%. Documents released by the Massachusetts Democrat Ed Markey this week show the EPA allowed spraying of dispersants 74 times over a period of 48 days. At times, the EPA gave advance approval for the use of dispersants for up to a week. The documents also showed the EPA allowed BP to spray 36,000 gallons of Corexit in a single day. The controversy surrounding EPA’s role in the oil spill marks a turning point for the Obama administration, which came to power vowing to repair the frayed relationship between scientists and government under George Bush and promising a new era of transparency.

Nine leading scientists have written a public letter calling on BP and the Obama administration to release all scientific data related to the spill, including wildlife death. “Just as the unprecedented use of dispersants has served to sweep millions of gallons of oil under the rug, we’re concerned the public may not get to see critical scientific data until BP has long since declared its responsibility over,” said Bruce Stein of the National Wildlife Federation.

© 2010 Guardian/UK

See FDA Should Test Gulf Seafood for Dispersant Contamination, Public Employees for Environmental Responsibility, August 4, 2010, by Kirsten Stade, excerpt quoted verbatim:

Legal Petition Demands FDA Move beyond Sensory Test to Look at Chemicals

Washington, DC — The U.S. Food and Drug Administration (FDA) should test seafood from affected Gulf of Mexico areas for chemicals found in dispersant agents deployed in unprecedented volumes on the BP spill, according to a legal petition filed today by Public Employees for Environmental Responsibility (PEER). No federal agency is currently screening seafood for signs of dispersant contamination in tissue, despite mounting concern about the toxicity of these agents and the effects they may have on the Gulf food chain.

In the weeks following the massive Deepwater Horizon oil blowout, the Obama administration approved application of nearly 2 million gallons of chemical oil dispersants to break up oil slicks. In addition to surface spraying, what has been termed a “giant experiment” took place when approximately 763,000 gallons of dispersant were injected a mile underwater at the source of the spill, a technique that has never been used before. At those depths, it is not known how long it will take the dispersants to dissolve. Alarmingly, there is growing evidence that a suspended oil and dispersant mixture is contaminating an estimated 44,000 square miles of ocean and entering the aquatic food chain.

FDA and other federal agencies have made repeated public statements that Gulf seafood is safe while conceding that there is no current testing for the presence of dispersant chemicals and that there is little scientific certainty about the full effects of dispersants on seafood, and in turn, humans.

See Oil-Spill Dispersants Come Under New Scrutiny At Senate Hearing, The Wall Street Journal, August 4, 2010, by Siobhan Hughes.

Read the Wikipedia article on Corexit and its Toxicity.

Read Toxicologists: Corexit “Ruptures Red Blood Cells, Causes Internal Bleeding,” Allows Crude Oil to “Penetrate Into The Cells” and “Every Organ System”, Washington’s Blog, July 9, 2010, author unknown.

Watch Gulf toxicologist: Shrimpers exposed to Corexit “bleeding from the rectum”, YouTube interview with marine toxicologist Susan Shaw — 1:04.

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Geithner and The White House: The Wrong Message in Troubled Times

Evans Liberal Politics
August 4, 2010

 

Geithner and The White House:
The Wrong Message in Troubled Times

 

Geithner and The White House: The Wrong Message in Troubled Times, Campaign for America’s Future, August 4, 2010, by Richard (RJ) Eskow, used with permission, quoted verbatim:

Picture this: You’re lying in the dark with a broken leg. Somebody comes by every couple of days to give you water and a little food, but you’re wasting away. Suddenly a figure appears holding a candle. In the flickering light we see Tim Geithner’s face. “Hey, there!” He says. “Do you realize that if we hadn’t acted so promptly, both of your legs would be broken? Good news, huh? Why, you might even be dead without us.”

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Why didn’t you fix it right the first time, you ask.

“That would have been expensive,” he says, “and we didn’t think there was the political will for that. But we recognize more needs to be done, and we’ll ask Congress to take care of it. Still, look at what we have done.”

Geithner’s been chosen to bear the Administration’s economic message, which is an unenviable task. The White House is going to have change that message, and the policy behind it. Yes, things would have been much worse if they’d done nothing at all to fix the economy. But that’s setting the bar a little low, isn’t it? They can’t change the past, so the fact that they should’ve asked for a bigger stimulus in the beginning can’t be changed. Still, they can learn from that mistake by being more forceful this time. They need to tell us what it will really take to fix the mess we’re in, and then be willing to take their case directly to the public.

Geithner wrote an editorial for the New York Times that reflects everything that’s wrong with the Administration’s thinking. Their proposals are weak tea, and the messaging is political strychnine. Geithner’s piece is entitled “Welcome to the recovery“, although the White House is wisely insisting today that they didn’t pick the headline. They even claimed that the editors’ choice of title was “sarcastic.” (I hope they’ve considered the implications of having an editorial from the Secretary of the Treasury provoke public sarcasm from the editors of the New York Times.)

The White House reportedly wanted to call Geithner’s piece “The Case For the American Economy,” but that isn’t much better than the editors’ “sarcastic” title. There have been so many “Mission Accomplished” comments on the Internet about this editorial that you’d think Geithner delivered it from an aircraft carrier.

Not that we’re singling out Geithner. Barry Ritholtz is right to point out that this op-ed probably met with great approval in the White House, since it gibes perfectly with the Administration’s overall messaging. That’s what scares me. Their political game plan for the economy is what Terry in On the Waterfront called “a one-way ticket to Palookaville.”

Here’s what scares me even more: This is an Administration that seems more eager to accept the political reality than to try changing it. According to reports, Larry Summers and others knew the initial stimulus it offered was too small. That means it gave in without a fight on the work that needed to be done.

This may be our moment of greatest political opportunity to do something meaningful about what has become a structural recession (or depression) for millions of Americans. Geithner and the rest of the Administration either really believe what he writes, or they don’t think they can get more and don’t want to try. Either way, this historic that moment may pass without decision action and Presidential leadership. The consequences will be dire if that happens.

After noting that we face levels of long-term unemployment not seen for more than half a century, Geithner says “we must do more to ensure that (unemployed Americans) have the skills they need to re-enter the 21st Century economy.” Shorter version: Goodbye, American manufacturing. Does the Administration really think we’re going to work our way out of long-term structural unemployment with training alone? How many fifty-six year old former auto workers does the White House think will be hired in Saginaw, or Flint, or Detroit, once they become proficient in website design?

And, let’s be clear: That’s where the ,jobs would have to be. With 19% of US mortgages underwater (14.7 million in total), a lot of people aren’t going anywhere. Their “negative equity” totals $770 billion. That’s a lot of money not helping to fuel the recovery (or being saved). And the mobile workforce, once the engine of American prosperity, is starting to look like a thing of the past.

Comment by Evans Liberal Politics owner Paul Evans: While unemployment for those making $250,000 a year stands at a very acceptable 3.2 percent, for those of us making $20,000 a year of less, official unemployment figures show that fully 31 percent of us are actually fully unemployed. Budget or no budget, this is a completely unacceptable figure and Obama should use every tool at his disposal to fix this. Otherwise both Obama and the Democratic Party will feel some pain of their own come November.

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The current official unemployment rate (which fails to count a lot of people) is 9.6%. Private employers added 42,000 jobs last month. If we need 13,000,000 jobs to get us to 6% unemployment (which would have been unacceptably high fifty years ago), here’s what that means: At the current rate of job growth, without a government jobs program, it will take more than twenty-five years to reach 6% unemployment. Obviously trends can and do change, but that’s the environment in which the White House is sending this message.

Try making “the case for the American economy” to an unemployed American with no job prospects who’s struggling with an upside-down mortgage — or, for that matter, to her family, neighbors, and friends. For them she’s a warning sign, a reminder that they could be next.

Adds Geithner: “American families are saving more, paying down their debt and borrowing more responsibly.” Actually, they’re terrified. The Michigan Consumer Sentiment index plunged again in July as job fears and other economic insecurity undermined the nation’s sense of security. While some Administration-admired economists have long wanted to “scare” Americans into healthier savings ratios (Mission Accomplished!), an increased savings rate is not the healthy sign it would be under other circumstances. Americans do need to increase their rate of saving, but they need to do it to plan for retirement. This looks more like a deer-in-the-headlights panic that will undermine spending, impede the recovery – and win votes for the opposition party.

Consumer confidence is one of the factors hurting small businesses. But the business owners’ confidence is low, too, leading to reduced investment and hiring. That’s exactly the effect we don’t want. The Wells Fargo/Gallup Small Business Index, which tracks six measures of small entrepreneurs’ expectations, is the lowest it’s been in seven years of operation:

2010-08-04-WellsFargoGallupSmallBusinessindex.gif

This survey matches findings from the National Federation of Small Business and other sources. And small businesses aren’t just facing reduced demand and long-term fears. They can’t get access to the loans they need, either. “Major banks … are stronger and more competitive,” write Geither. “… (O)ur banks are better positioned to finance growth.” But they’re not doing it. As rational actors, they can’t be expected to do it when speculation is so much more profitable. Geithner touts the success of TARP (with numbers that only tell half the story), but TARP recipients are actually stingier with their loans than other banks.

Try making a case for that economy. “We are on a path back to growth,” says Geithner. This graph, from Meteor Blades’ excellent roundup of economic indicators, says otherwise:

2010-08-04-GDPgrowthduringrecoveries.jpg

This may read like a hit piece on the White House and Geithner, but it’s not. They can and must do better, for the good of the country as well as for their own political futures. They have the ability and the resources to do that, but it will take a fundamental shift in their thinking. How? First, they have to recognize that they’re not going to get much recognition for their accomplishments as long as things are this bad. It may not be fair, but life is rarely fair. They must make their case forcefully, laying out stronger job and stimulus proposals. They must demand more banking reform which shuts down the casino, ends too big to fail, and gets banks back into the lending business. And they must draw a clear line between themselves and their opponents. We hear that both Geithner and the President will slam Republicans later today, but for that strategy to work they need to offer a clear alternative. The cheerleading-while-handwringing strategy approach in this editorial isn’t it.

We’ll take them at their word that they never intended to say “welcome to the recovery.” But instead of making “a case for the American economy,” they should be making “a case for fixing the American economy.” Until they do – and it includes more than just tinkering at the edges – they and the country will both face continued job insecurity.

This post was produced as part of theCurbing Wall Streetproject.

Richard (RJ) Escow is a staff blogger for Campaign For America’s Future. Campaign for America’s Future has graciously given Evans Liberal Politics to republish their articles on an ongoing basis, for which many thanks. RJ Escow lives in Los Angeles and his interests include: An Economy for All, Health Care for All, Making It In America, Social Contract, Real Security, Social Security, America’s Future Now, Invest In America, Progressive Vision, Revitalizing Democracy. You’ll soon be seeing much more content from Campaign for America’s future here on Evans Liberal Politics.

thumbnail link of Obama's Weekly Address in which he slams the Republicans' latest economic plan "President Barack Obama Weekly Address," says an economic plan by the House Republican leader just repeats job-killing policies of the past and would take the country “backward at a time when we need to keep America moving forward.” (July 24) — 4:29

BREAKING NEWS FLASH: from CLG News — Calif. Gay Marriage Ban Overturned 04 Aug 2010 A federal judge has ruled that the California gay marriage ban is unconstitutional under the federal Constitution. The decision will be appealed to the Ninth Circuit. Read more at Yahoo News.

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The Origins of the Enthusiasm Gap

Evans Liberal Politics
August 4, 2010

 

The Origins of the Enthusiasm Gap

 

The Origins of the Enthusiasm Gap, Robert Reich.org, August 3, 2010, by Robert Reich, used with permission, quoted verbatim:

Whatever the outcome of the upcoming midterm elections, the activist phase of the Obama administration has likely come to a close. The President may have a fight on his hands even to hold on to what he’s already achieved because his legislative successes have been large enough to fuel strong opposition but not big enough to strengthen his support. The result could be disastrous for him and congressional Democrats.

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Consider the stimulus package. Although it’s difficult to separate the consequences of fiscal and monetary policy, most knowledgeable observers conclude that the stimulus has had a positive effect.

Yet the official rate of unemployment remains above 9%, not including millions either too discouraged to look for work or working part-time when they’d rather have full-time jobs. Almost half of the jobless have been without work for more than six months, a level not seen since the Great Depression.

The central problem continues to be inadequate aggregate demand. The administration’s original sin was not spending enough and focusing the stimulus more directly on job creation.

In fairness, no one knew how sick the economy was in February 2009 when Congress approved the initial stimulus. Yet by late spring 2009 the White House knew the extent of the damage and should have pushed much harder for significantly more spending. Almost a third of the initial stimulus, moreover, came in the form of temporary tax cuts, which already had been proven relatively ineffective at spurring demand after President Bush tried them in 2008. And many states were engaging in reverse stimulus policies, slashing spending and increasing taxes. The administration knew its stimulus was not nearly up to the job.

Even so, the initial spending inflamed conservative critics who claimed that it unnecessarily enlarged the federal deficit. And its subsequent apparent failure to reduce unemployment has only added more fuel to the fire. This pattern—big enough to energize adversaries but not enough to tangibly benefit most people or to gain the enthusiastic support of independent voters and the Democratic base—has come to haunt almost every major initiative.

The Troubled Asset Relief Program (TARP) was a clear financial success: It brought Wall Street back from the brink of collapse and in the end will likely cost taxpayers well under $100 billion. Yet in a larger sense, TARP also failed.

The bailout of Wall Street had been sold to the American people, by the Bush and then by the Obama administrations, as a way to revive Main Street and protect homeowners and jobs. But it didn’t accomplish these broader goals. Small businesses have had difficulty getting loans. Few homeowners—according to a recent report by the special inspector general for TARP, only 340,000 of the estimated three to four million borrowers who were supposed to receive assistance—have had their mortgage terms permanently modified.

As Wall Street profits rebounded, TARP increasingly looked to many Americans like a giant political payoff. In a poll taken by Hart Associates in September 2009, more than 60% of respondents felt that “large banks” had been helped “a lot” or “a fair amount” by government economic policies, but only 13% felt that the “average working person” had been. TARP has fueled tea party anger on the right, disillusionment on the left, and cynicism on Main Street.

The recently enacted financial regulatory legislation offers another example. Although the legislation has riled Wall Street and fueled Republican opposition, it lacks many of the large-scale changes reformers were seeking. For example, it neither limits the size of big banks nor explicitly ties banker compensation to long-term performance. And despite Paul Volcker’s entreaties, many risky trades will continue to be subsidized by protections the government accords to commercial banking. In short, the financial reforms do not rule out more bank bailouts down the road—a specter critics are already exploiting.

The health-care law, too, is big enough to have unleashed fierce attacks about a “takeover” of the health-care sector. But it’s not nearly large or bold enough to assure most people truly affordable care in the future. By leaving the system in the hands of private for-profit health insurers rather than building on Social Security and Medicare, the law continues to subject most Americans to escalating costs. Yes, people with pre-existing conditions will gain coverage, and those who become seriously diseased can’t be dropped. But most Americans will have to contract with insurers that already have or will be able to gain significant market power.

Reasonable people disagree about whether these initiatives should have been more or less ambitious, but almost everyone falls into one of these camps. And that’s precisely the political problem Democrats now face.

A stimulus too small to significantly reduce unemployment, a TARP that didn’t trickle down to Main Street, financial reform that doesn’t fundamentally restructure Wall Street, and health-care reforms that don’t promise to bring down health-care costs have all created an enthusiasm gap. They’ve fired up the right, demoralized the left, and generated unease among the general population.

This leaves the Democrats in a difficult position. They have to prove a negative proposition—that although these initiatives cost lots of money or require many new regulations, conditions would be or will be a lot worse without them.

The administration deserves tactical credit. It accomplished as much as it possibly could with a fragile 60 votes in the Senate, a skittish Democratic majority in the House, and a highly-disciplined Republican opposition in both chambers. Yet Bismarck’s dictum about politics as the art of the possible is not altogether correct.

The real choice is between achieving what’s possible within the limits of politics as given, or changing that politics to extend those limits and thereby more assuredly achieve intended goals. The latter course is riskier but its consequences can be more enduring and its mandate more powerful, as both Lyndon Johnson and Ronald Reagan demonstrated.

So far, Barack Obama has chosen the former course. Despite the remarkable capacities he displayed during the 2008 campaign to inspire and rally Americans behind him, as president he has for the most part opted for an inside game.

Perhaps he didn’t want to risk what he could achieve through inside deals. Maybe by temperament or inclination he is more comfortable with compromise than conflict. It’s possible he implicitly traded a more ambitious domestic agenda for Republican support on foreign policy. Or perhaps he has sensed the increasing polarization of the electorate and didn’t want to further exacerbate it.

Any or all of these hypotheses may be true, but the undeniable consequence has been to erode the capacity of the president and his party to accomplish much more from here on. Still, it is far too early to write an epitaph for the Age of Obama. He may yet surprise. He is, as he reminds us, a most improbable president.

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GOP Blank Check for War?

Evans Liberal Politics
August 4, 2010

 

GOP Blank Check for War?

 

GOP Blank Check for War?, Human Events, August 3, 2010, by Patrick Buchanan, quoted verbatim in the public interest:

High among the blunders of history was the “blank cheque” Kaiser Wilhelm gave Vienna, after the assassination of Archduke Franz Ferdinand (in 1914), to deal with the Serbs as they saw fit.

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Five weeks later, Vienna cashed the check and declared war, after Belgrade refused to submit to all 10 demands of an ultimatum. Russia mobilized; Germany and France followed. And war came, the bloodiest in all of European history with 9 million soldiers in their graves.

Since June 1914, a “blank check” given by one nation to another for war has been regarded as strategic folly.

Thus it is startling to learn 47 House Republicans just signed on to H.R. 1553 declaring unequivocal “support for Israel’s right to use all means necessary to confront and eliminate nuclear threats posed by Iran … including the use of military force.”

These Republicans have just given Tel Aviv a blank check for a pre-emptive war that Israel, unless it uses its nuclear weapons, can start but not finish. Fighting and finishing that war would fall to the armed forces of the United States.

Who do these Republicans represent?

The Pentagon has made clear that with two wars of nearly a decade’s duration bleeding us, we do not want a third war with Iran. For while easy to predict how such a war begins, with air and missile strikes on Iran’s nuclear facilities, no one can know how it ends.

Indeed, how would Israel reach its targets in Iran?

Turkey would not allow Israeli over-flights. The route over Jordan and Iraq would require U.S. military complicity, for we control Iraqi air space. Would Riyadh permit Israel to use its airspace to attack Iran, knowing Tehran could create havoc in the Gulf states and oil patch of northeastern Arabia?

The Israeli air force could destroy the nuclear power plant at Bushehr, the heavy water reactor at Arak and uranium enrichment facility at Natanz. But Israel cannot follow up and destroy all the dispersed nuclear facilities and missile sites of Iran. And no one knows what would follow.

How would Iran retaliate? Missile strikes on Tel Aviv? A missile barrage form Hezbollah igniting another Israeli-Lebanon war? How long could the United States stand by and watch Israel bombarded?

Indeed, the principal purpose and result of an Israeli pre-emptive war on Iran, bringing retaliation on Israel, would be to drag America in to fight and finish a war Israel had begun.

In whose interest is that? And who dreamed this resolution up?

If America joined the attack, we would have to complete the destruction of Iran’s nuclear facilities and destroy its missile sites, coastal defenses, navy, air force and hundreds of speedboats to prevent attacks on U.S. warships and tankers transiting the Strait of Hormuz.

We would have to strike all the Republican Guard bases near Iraq and Afghanistan to protect our troops. We would have to kill thousands of Iranians.

Would Iran retaliate by inciting the Mahdi Army to kill our men in Iraq? Would it set Hezbollah to kidnap or kill Americans in Lebanon? Would Iran retaliate for its civilian dead by activating agents to commit terrorism in the United States? No one knows.

In 1986, Ronald Reagan ordered air strikes on Libya to retaliate for Qaddafi’s bombing of the Berlin discotheque. In 1989, in retaliation, Qaddafi blew up Pan Am 103. Death toll: 270 men, women and children. It’s called blowback.

The House Republican resolution supports Israel’s use of “all means necessary” to “eliminate nuclear threats” that represent an “immediate and existential threat to the State of Israel.”

What “immediate and existential threat” are they talking about?

It is Israel that has hundreds of atomic bombs. Iran has no atom bombs, has tested no atomic device, has diverted none of its low-enriched uranium out of the sight of U.N. inspectors and has offered to ship half of its LEU to Turkey in exchange for fuel rods for a U.S.-built reactor that makes medical isotopes. And half of the centrifuges at Natanz have broken down.

Undeniably, Iran is gaining knowledge of how to build a bomb. But such a decision would seem idiotic from Iran’s standpoint, risking Israeli or U.S. nuclear strikes and provoking Turkey, Saudi Arabia and Egypt to follow suit and acquire the bomb, leaving Iran even more isolated and vulnerable.

Three years ago, 16 U.S. intelligence agencies reached a consensus that Iran had given up on the project of building a bomb. Do these Republicans have hard evidence Iran is diverting its enriched uranium to such a bomb? If so, where is it?

Have these Republicans forgotten what happened to their colleagues in 2006, who voted Bush that blank check for war on Iraq in 2002?

Why, with all the issues going for them, House Republicans would announce full-throated support for a pre-emptive war on Iran that Americans would have to fight and finish, escapes me.

But if this is where a Republican House would take America, into yet another war, best that we know it before voting this fall.

Mr. Buchanan is a nationally syndicated columnist and author of Churchill, Hitler, and “The Unnecessary War”: How Britain Lost Its Empire and the West Lost the World, “The Death of the West,” “The Great Betrayal,” “A Republic, Not an Empire” and “Where the Right Went Wrong.”

Comment by Paul Evans: by the way, the number of deaths in World War I was 16 million dead, with 21 million wounded. A war with Iran could turn out similarly.

Obama confirms plan for US troop withdrawal from Iraq

Evans Liberal Politics
August 3, 2010

 

Obama confirms plan
for US troop withdrawal from Iraq

 

Obama confirms plan for US troop withdrawal from Iraq, BBC News, August 2, 2010, by BBC News, excerpt quoted verbatim:

President Obama: “Our commitment in Iraq is changing from a military effort”

US President Barack Obama has confirmed the end of all combat operations in Iraq by 31 August.

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Some 50,000 of 65,000 US troops currently in Iraq are set to remain until the end of 2011 to advise Iraqi forces and protect US interests.

Mr Obama proclaimed that the end of operations would arrive “as promised and on schedule”.

It comes amid a dispute between the US and Baghdad over the latest casualty numbers in Iraq.

Struggle for Iraq

    * Coalition questions
    * Iraq: Key facts and figures
    * Death toll dispute highlights concerns
    * Q&A: Parliamentary polls

The thrust of Mr Obama’s speech was the fulfilment of his campaign promise to end the Iraq war, which was a defining characteristic of his 2008 candidacy.

Mr Obama made his announcement in a speech to the national convention of the Disabled American Veterans in Atlanta, Georgia.

The remaining 50,000 troops will stay in the country in order to train Iraqi security forces, conduct counterterrorism operations and provide civilians with ongoing security, said Mr Obama.

An agreement negotiated with the Iraqis in 2008 states that these troops must be gone from the country by the end of next year.

But the president warned the US had “not seen the end of American sacrifice in Iraq”.

He added: “But make no mistake, our commitment in Iraq is changing – from a military effort led by our troops to a civilian effort led by our diplomats.”

Meanwhile, according to the US military, 222 people died in attacks last month. Baghdad says 535 lost their lives – which would make July the deadliest month in the country for more than two years.

The US released its own figure after Baghdad’s estimate prompted concern that insurgents were exploiting a post-election power vacuum – and would wreak more havoc as the US withdrew more troops. ….

Read the full article here.

See Death toll dispute highlights Iraq security concerns, August 2, 2010, by BBC News.

See The US Must Capture the Heart of the Afghans, The Huffington Post, August 3, 2010, by Ehsan Azari Stanizai.

Also see Pakistan’s Zardari says war with Taliban being lost, Reuters, August 3, 2010, by John Irish and Daniel Flynn.

Middle East Afghanistan – Iraq News Audio Update



President Obama today reaffirmed that American troops will cease combat operations in Iraq by the end of the month and leave altogether in a year "Obama Reaffirms Iraq Withdrawal Timetable:" Obama said again that American troops will cease combat operations within a month, with the withdrawal of an additional 20,000 troops. — Voice of America — 3:03

thumbnail of a photo of a small group of Afghanistan villagers is a linke to audio about an exit plan for Afghanistan "Afghanistan exit strategy remains a sticking point:" PBS News Hour with Jim Lehrer — 10:55

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