Posts Tagged ‘The New York Times’

Close Senate Primary Races to Test Depth of Voter Discontent

Evans Liberal Politics
August 8, 2010

 

Close Senate Primary Races
to Test Depth of Voter Discontent

 

Close Senate Races to Test Depth of Voter Discontent, © The New York Times, August 8, 2010, by Carl Hulse, excerpt quoted verbatim:

GREENWOOD VILLAGE, Colo. – Two Senate primaries that were supposed to be tranquil affairs have turned into roaring Rocky Mountain shoot-outs that could provide the best test yet of how deeply anti-establishment, anti-Washington sentiment is running this year.

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With the fierce duels to be settled Tuesday, independent analysts and party operatives say the contests between Republicans Ken Buck and Jane Norton and Democrats Michael Bennet and Andrew Romanoff are close, making it uncertain which two contenders will be left standing to compete in November for a seat that appears up for grabs.

It wasn’t supposed to be this way. Mr. Bennet, appointed to a fill a Senate vacancy last year, and former Lt. Gov. Norton were blessed early on by the party hierarchy. They were to breeze to their respective nominations by virtue of the fundraising help and stature the White House could provide Mr. Bennet, 45, and the standing and credibility lent to Ms. Norton, 55, by the imprimatur of leading Republicans and the Chamber of Commerce.

But Mr. Romanoff, a 43-year-old former state House speaker, and Mr. Buck, a 51-year-old veteran prosecutor, could not be dissuaded from challenging the favored choices. Now they find themselves with a chance to win.

Should they triumph, it would represent a stinging repudiation of the Obama administration, which has put serious presidential muscle behind Mr. Bennet, as well as the Washington Republicans who coalesced around Ms. Norton.

“It would be a huge slam in both cases on the respective establishments,” said Floyd Ciruli, a veteran independent pollster based in Denver.

Policy differences in the races are subtle. Both Mr. Buck and Ms. Norton promise to cut federal spending, repeal the new health care law and get tough on immigration; Mr. Bennet and Mr. Romanoff pledge to help create jobs, aid struggling families and push alternative energy sources. Given the common policy themes, the insurgent-versus-establishment narrative has loomed large.

Mr. Buck has built his campaign around the notion that he is the outsider, playing that card to the hilt as he traveled the state to meet with Tea Party activists and like-minded groups while castigating Congressional Republicans as well as Democrats for the nation’s economic straits.

He notes that Ms. Norton has been endorsed by most sitting Republican senators, got fundraising help from the head of the National Republican Senatorial Committee, is the sister-in-law of a top Republican consultant in Washington, and was encouraged to join the race by Senator John McCain of Arizona, who appeared with Ms. Norton during the weekend.

Mr. Buck, in contrast, has been endorsed by Senator Jim DeMint, the South Carolina conservative who has split with party leaders on backing challengers this year. But unlike other fire-breathing conservatives who have defeated Republicans embraced by party heavyweights in Kentucky, Nevada and Utah, Mr. Buck is no newcomer to politics.

Born in New York and educated at Princeton, he served as then Representative Dick Cheney’s lawyer during the Iran-Contra hearings and worked three years for the Justice Department. He served 14 years in Colorado’s U.S. attorney’s office before being elected district attorney of Weld County, north of Denver, in 2004.

“I am not saying I don’t have a lot of connections,” Mr. Buck said in an interview in his Denver campaign office. “I am saying I am not the candidate of Washington, D.C.”

His extensive government resume is not lost on Ms. Norton, who scoffs at her opponent’s efforts to claim the outsider mantle and points out that he is married to a former co-chair of the state party.

“It is a clever thing to brand yourself as,” Ms. Norton said during an appearance at a picnic for Arapahoe County Republicans in this up-scale conservative bastion outside Denver. “But he has been a government lawyer for how many years? I am the only native-born Coloradan, the only one in this race on both the Republican and Democratic side who isn’t an Ivy League attorney.” ….

Read the full story here.

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Senate Vote Clears Way for $26 Billion in Aid to States

Evans Liberal Politics
August 4, 2010


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Senate Vote Clears Way
for $26 Billion in Aid to States

Senate Vote Clears Way for $26 Billion in Aid to States, © The New York Times, August 4, 2010, by David M. Herszenhorn, excerpt quoted verbatim:

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WASHINGTON — The Senate on Wednesday cleared the way for a $26 billion package of aid to states and school districts, and the House speaker, Nancy Pelosi, said she would summon members from their summer recess to grant final approval to the bill.

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The measure had been hung up by partisan wrangling between Democrats, who said it was necessary to avert layoffs of teachers and cutbacks in services by strapped states, and Republicans, who objected to another round of government spending and characterized it as a political payoff to unions.

The procedural vote in the Senate was 61 to 38, with the Maine Republicans, Susan Collins and Olympia J. Snowe, joining Democrats in support of ending debate. The Senate is set for a final vote on Thursday before adjourning for its recess.

The vote quickly prompted calls for the House, which adjourned last Friday, to return to Washington. And in a Twitter message on Wednesday afternoon, Ms. Pelosi said lawmakers would reconvene next week to approve the bill and send it to President Obama.

The legislation would provide $10 billion to retain teachers who might otherwise lose jobs to cutbacks, and an additional $16 billion to help states struggling to close budget deficits.

While the move will interrupt summer campaigning, the vote will give Democrats a concrete accomplishment that they can trumpet at a time when unemployment remains high. Republicans, in turn, immediately criticized the bill as catering to teachers’ unions and another example of irresponsible spending by Democrats.

Mr. Obama praised the Senate’s action, saying it would save teacher jobs and ensure “cash-strapped states can get the relief they need.”

“We had a choice,” said Rahm Emanuel, the White House chief of staff. “Either teachers could be in the classroom or they could be on the unemployment lines.”

The House had approved money to save teacher jobs as part of an emergency war spending bill. But the Senate rejected it.

Some senators complained that the House bill had cut some of Mr. Obama’s signature education initiatives, including about $500 million from the competitive grant program called Race to the Top.

The cost of the Senate bill is fully paid with other spending cuts and a provision to close a tax loophole.

House Republicans criticized the Senate measure.

“Democrats would be better off listening to their constituents, who are asking, ‘Where are the jobs?’ rather than returning to Washington, D.C., to vote for more tax hikes and special-interest bailouts,” said Michael Steel, a spokesman for Representative John A. Boehner of Ohio, the Republican leader.

Many governors have been clamoring for help for their states.

The $16.1 billion in aid to states would increase the federal contribution toward Medicaid costs, allowing states to shift money elsewhere. ….

Read the full article, here.

See Daily Kos
While You Pie-Fight, Pelosi Calls Back House
, Daily Kos, August 4, 2010, by Maimonides, excerpt quoted verbatim:

It’s official. House Speaker Nancy Pelosi broke the news on Twitter this afternoon, announcing officially what’s been rumored for hours: The House will return from recess briefly next week to pass state aid legislation.

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Battle Looms in Washington Over Expiring Bush Tax Cuts

Evans Liberal Politics
July 25, 2010

 

Battle Looms in Washington Over
Expiring Bush Tax Cuts

 

Battle Looms in Washington Over Expiring Bush Tax Cuts, © The New York Times, July 24, 2010, by David M. Herszenhorn, excerpt quoted verbatim:

WASHINGTON — An epic fight is brewing over what Congress and President Obama should do about the expiring Bush tax cuts, with such substantial economic and political consequences that it could shape the fall elections and fiscal policy for years to come.

Democratic leaders, including Mr. Obama, say they are intent on letting the tax cuts for the wealthy expire as scheduled at the end of this year. But they have pledged to continue the lower tax rates for individuals earning less than $200,000 and families earning less than $250,000 — what Democrats call the middle class.

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Most Republicans want to extend the tax cuts for everyone, and some Democrats agree, saying it would be unwise to raise taxes on anyone while the economy remains weak. If no action is taken, taxes on income, dividends, capital gains and estates would all rise.

The issue has generated little public attention this year as Congress grappled with health care, financial regulation, energy, a Supreme Court nomination and other divisive topics. But it will move to the top of the agenda when lawmakers return to Washington in September from their summer recess, just as the midterm campaign gets under way in earnest. In recent days, intense discussions have begun at the Capitol.

Beyond the implications for family checkbooks, the tax fight will serve as a proxy for the bigger political clashes of the year, including the size of government and the best way of handling the tepid economic recovery.

“It has enormous ramifications for the fall and clearly will be one of the dominant issues,” said Senator Ron Wyden, Democrat of Oregon. “This is code for the role of the federal government, the debate over the size of government and the priorities of the nation.”

At a closed-door meeting of the Senate Finance Committee on Thursday, participants said Democrats were clearly divided while Republicans wanted assurances that any bill would be developed openly, allowing them to propose amendments. In a sign of how combustible the issue could be, Senator Max Baucus, a Montana Democrat and the committee’s chairman, has so far refused to make that commitment.

Both parties are still charting strategy, but some lawmakers, Congressional aides and administration officials said Democrats must try to pass a bill before the election and not wait for a lame-duck session. “You can’t play chicken with this much of the tax system,” said a senior Republican Senate aide, who spoke on the condition of anonymity given the sensitivity of even the timing of the debate.

If no tax legislation is passed, all the major tax reductions passed under President George W. Bush in 2001 and 2003 will expire, with rates reverting overnight on Dec. 31. The top marginal income tax rate, for example, would go back to 39.6 percent from 35 percent now, with corresponding increases in rates for lower income brackets.

Given the partisan gridlock of recent months, there is a chance that the battle could go down to the last minute, or even — in the face of a stalemate — that the tax cuts could be allowed to expire completely, a development that Republicans are already heralding ominously as the largest tax increase in history and that lawmakers in both parties say could be the worst outcome.

From both political and policy perspectives, the tax issue is dizzyingly complex, and even some of Washington’s most grizzled legislative operatives say they cannot predict the outcome.

Some liberals want Mr. Obama to keep his promise to raise taxes on the rich, and the White House’s budget forecasts rely heavily on rolling the top income tax rates back to their pre-2001 levels. Some fiscal hawks warn that extending the tax cuts would add more than $2 trillion to the federal budget deficits at a time when the national debt is becoming an economic concern and a political issue. Political economists are fiercely divided.

So are Democrats. In recent days, fiscal conservatives like Senators Kent Conrad of North Dakota and Evan Bayh of Indiana expressed support for extending the tax cuts at all income levels, at least temporarily.

Senior administration officials said there was no interest in such a plan at the White House, which intends to have Treasury Secretary Timothy F. Geithner lead an effort to make the case that continuing tax breaks for the rich will not help lift the economy, but eliminating them will help reduce the deficit. ….

Read the full article here.

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Extension of Benefits for the Jobless Clears Senate Hurdle

Evans Liberal Politics
July 20, 2010

 

Extension of Benefits for the Jobless Clears Senate Hurdle

 

Extension of Benefits for the Jobless Clears Senate Hurdle, © The New York Times, July 20, 2010, by Carl Hulse, excerpt quoted verbatim:

WASHINGTON — The Senate broke a stalemate on Tuesday over extending unemployment benefits for Americans who have been out of work for six months or more, voting to override Republican objections that the bill’s costs would add to the federal deficit.

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On a vote of 60 to 40, the Democratic-led Senate agreed to cut off debate on the $34 billion plan to distribute added unemployment compensation through November for those who have exhausted their standard 26 weeks of aid.

The 60 yes votes were the minimum required to overcome the threat of a filibuster and advance the bill to a final vote, expected later on Tuesday, when it is all but certain to pass. Two Republicans, Senators Susan Collins and Olympia Snowe of Maine, joined 56 Democrats and two independents in voting for the legislation; 39 Republicans and one Democrat, Senator Ben Nelson of Nebraska, opposed it.

An estimated 2 million Americans have seen their benefits run out over the past two months while the legislation has been stalled in the partisan impasse.

“Finally, finally, finally,” said Senator Barbara Milkuski, Democrat of Maryland. She called the unemployment insurance program a social compact with American workers that means, “when you hit a speed bump and have to be laid off through no fault of your own, there will be a safety net so that you do not fall.”

Republicans said they backed the idea of extending benefits, but were determined to prevent the costs from being piled onto the mounting deficit.

“We believe the federal debt has grown to an alarming level, where it is threatening the future of our children and grandchildren,” said Lamar Alexander of Tennessee, the No. 3 Republican in the Senate.

After the Senate completes its final vote on the measure, the House must still act on it, a vote that is expected to come on Wednesday. President Obama would then quickly sign the bill into law at the White House, freeing the aid.

The Senate action came just minutes after Carte Goodwin was sworn in as the new Democratic senator from West Virginia, replacing the late Robert C. Byrd. While the seat was vacant, Democrats lacked the votes to overcome the Republican filibuster.

At age 36, Mr. Goodwin, a former legal adviser to Governor Joe Manchin III, becomes the youngest member of the Senate, replacing the eldest.

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Obama Reacts Cautiously to Hopeful BP Test Results

Evans Liberal Politics
July 16, 2010

 

Obama Reacts Cautiously to Hopeful BP Test Results

 

For Now, the Cap is Holding

 

Obama Reacts Cautiously to Hopeful BP Test Results, © The New York Times, July 16, 2010, by Campbell Robertson and Henry Fountain:

NEW ORLEANS — BP said on Friday the early test results on its recently capped undersea well were heartening and there were no signs of fresh oil leaks, as the stricken well in the Gulf of Mexico held tight overnight and into the morning.

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Kent Wells, a senior vice president at BP, told reporters on a conference call that the pressure inside the well had built up steadily, as engineers had hoped it would, and that engineers would continue to perform different analyses and scour video feeds from cameras to look for any underground leaks.

In Washington, President Obama hailed the development but cautioned against concluding that the corner had been turned, noting that it was still possible for there to be complications that “could be even more catastrophic” than the original leak.

Appearing in the Rose Garden before taking off for a long weekend in Maine, Mr. Obama said he and the government were staying on top of the problem and that all decisions would be based on science, “not based on PR, not based on politics.” The final solution, he noted, will be the relief wells expected to be complete next month, and then after that attention still needs to be paid to the cleanup and compensation.

“The new cap is good news,” he said. “Either we will be able to use it to stop the flow or we will be able to use it to capture almost all the oil until the relief well is done.” But he added: “It’s important that we don’t get ahead of ourselves here. One of the problems with having the camera down there is that when the oil stops gushing, everybody feels like we’re done, and we’re not.”

Mr. Obama said he planned to go back down to the region in the next several weeks and stressed again that “BP is going to be paying for the damage that it’s caused.”

Mr. Wells said that BP would take steps to resume the drilling of a relief well, which officials hope will provide a permanent solution to plugging the runaway well, which has belched millions of gallons of crude oil into the Gulf of Mexico since a fatal explosion and fire sank a drilling rig in April.

The oil stopped flowing from the well around 2:25 p.m. Thursday when the last of several valves was closed on a cap that the company installed at the top of the well last week, Mr. Wells said. Earlier in the week, Mr. Wells said that the longer the test continued, the better, because it would indicate that the pressure inside the well was holding and that the well bore was intact. On Friday morning, the live video feeds from nearly a mile undersea showed no burbling geyser of oil and gas — only cloudy blue waters and white specks floating across the screen.

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Yves Smith’s Op-Ed On Myopic Corporate Greed In Today’s NYT

Evans Liberal Politics
July 8, 2010

 

Yves Smith’s Op-Ed On Myopic Corporate Greed
In Today’s NYT

 

Yves Smith’s Op-Ed On Myopic Corporate Greed In Today’s NYT, Daily Kos, July 6, 2010, by Bob Swern, used with permission, quoted verbatim:

Naked Capitalism Publisher Yves Smith and financial adviser and investment newsletter publisher Rob Parenteau have co-authored an op-ed in today’s NY Times (links, below). This morning, over at her Naked Capitalism blog, Yves provides us with the backstory, along with their unedited copy: “Our New York Times Op Ed on the Corporate Savings Glut.”What it boils down to, IMHO, is when corporations are stripmining their near-record profits, as opposed to reinvesting them in times of economic downturns, the results for society are devastating.

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Combine this reality with a legislative branch in complete corporatocratic rapture (i.e.: regulatory capture, deep capture), and you have the recipe for where we are with our economy, today.

I  would also posit–and I will, as I have in the past, in a follow-up diary–that the so-called financial regulatory “reform” legislation currently being “shaped” in Congress, as we blog, is not “incrementalism” at all, but (by default, due to the urgency of the situation on Main Street) virtually total capitulation to the corporate mindset described herein, too. (As I’ve stated it in comments in recent diaries that blindly support the “incremental approach” to change, in general: The “incremental” approach to change is inherently flawed due to the fact that it erroneously assumes that we have TIME to implement change, incrementally.) As Paul Volcker recently stated (whose “Volcker Rule” Yves tells us in another diary today, “Banks Already Moving To Evade Volcker Rule,” has been totally thrown under the bus), The Time We Have Is Growing Short.” (Looked at another way, do Democrats really think they’re going to be more successful at implementing their agenda with smaller majorities–at best–in the House and Senate after the mid-term elections?)As eye-opening sidebars to this, I would strongly recommend Eliot Spitzer’s piece from a few days ago at Slate.com, “How Washington blew its chance to bring real change to Wall Street;” and, Ambrose Evans-Pritchard’s column from the London Telegraph on Sunday evening, “With the US trapped in depression, this really is starting to feel like 1932.”

Meanwhile, in today’s NY Times, Yves and Rob Parenteau summarize the matter in their closing two paragraphs:

…The entrepreneurial pursuit of profitable growth has been the vital engine of prosperity since the Industrial Revolution. Yet incentives for both managers and investors now favor myopia and speculation, undermining the very operation of capitalism. We need tax and regulatory policies to counter this destructive development, along with wider recognition that government deficits are necessary and salutary if the corporate sector is under-investing to boost its short-term profits and households are prudently refusing to increase borrowing to accommodate it. When both households and businesses attempt to net save, the adoption of Austerian School (of) fiscal policies in highly leveraged economies, is well nigh certain to bring back our grandparents’ experience of debt deflation and economic depression. We must stop and seriously ask ourselves, in whose interest might these Austerian policies be? None dare call it malpractice, malfeasance, or even outright madness.

Here’s the whole piece…

(Diarist has received written authorization to reprint Naked Capitalism Publisher Yves Smith’s posts in their entirety.)

#            #            #

Our New York Times Op Ed on the Corporate Savings Glut
Yves Smith and Rob Parenteau
New York Times Op-Ed
Tuesday, July 6, 2010

Rob Parenteau and I have an op-ed at the New York Times today. Rob’s last post here argued energetically that the now-established trend of the corporate sector to save, as opposed to invest in growth, in advanced economies, and even most emerging economies, was tantamount to capitalists abandoning their traditional role. It reminded me of an article I had written in 2005, “The Incredible Shrinking Corporation,” for the Conference Board’s magazine Across the Board, on how companies were trying to starve themselves into attractive- looking performance though the then-unprecedented act of saving in a time of economic expansion, which is tantamount to disinvestment. Rob’s post made further key points about the macroeconomic implications of corporate savings (given the norm of households savings as well) and made some policy recommendations.

I wish the headline were different (“Are Profits Hurting Capitalism?“), since the article is clearly about the corporate savings glut.

Rob and I thought readers would be interested in the how the draft we submitted compared with the edited version. The draft was titled “It’s the Corporate Savings Glut, Stupid! The Hysteria of Marching to Austeria”:

A series of disappointing data releases in recent weeks, including flagging consumer confidence and meager private sector job growth, is leading more and more experts to worry that the recession in the US and abroad is coming back. At the same time, many policymakers, particularly in the Eurozone, are slashing government budgets, which they contend will lower debt levels, and thereby restore investor confidence, reduce interest rates, and promote growth.Yet many miss the fact that fiscal deficits are a nearly inevitable result of actions by corporations and households. Failure to understand these dynamics and address root causes is sure to make a bad situation worse.

Unbeknownst to most commentators, corporations in the US and many advanced economies have been underinvesting for some time.

The normal state of affairs is for households to save for large purchases, retirement and emergencies, and for businesses to tap those savings via borrowings or equity investments to help fund the expansion of their businesses.

But many economies have abandoned that pattern. For instance, IMF and World Bank studies found a reduced reinvestment rate of profits in many Asian nations following the 1998 crisis. Similarly, a 2005 JPMorgan report noted with concern that since 2002, US corporations on average ran a net financial surplus of 1.7 percent of GDP, which contrasted with an average deficit of 1.2 percent of GDP for the preceding forty years. Companies as a whole historically ran fiscal surpluses, meaning in aggregate they saved rather than expanded, in economic downturns, not expansion phases.

The big culprit in America is that public companies are obsessed with quarterly earnings. Investing in future growth often reduces profits short term. The enterprise has to spend money, say on additional staff or extra marketing, before any new revenues come in the door. And for bolder initiatives like developing new products, the up front costs can be considerable (marketing research, product design, prototype development, legal expenses associated with patents, lining up contractors). Thus a fall in business investment short circuits a major driver of growth in capitalist economies.

Companies, while claiming they maximize shareholder value, increasingly prefer to pay their executives exorbitant bonuses, or issue special dividends to shareholders, or engage in financial speculation. They turn their backs on the traditional role of a capitalist – to find and exploit profitable opportunities to expand his activities

Some may argue that lower investment rates are the result of poor prospects, but the data does not support that view. Corporate profits have risen as a share of GDP since the early 1980s, reaching unprecedented levels right before the global financial crisis took hold. Even now, US profit margins are nearly two thirds of the way back to their prior cyclical high, despite a subpar recovery.

What happens when corporations on balance are saving, and households in aggregate try to save too? Families and individuals typically tighten their belts and bolster their bank accounts in bad times; the tendency is even more acute now, since many are trying to pay down borrowings, which is a form of saving,

If households and corporations are both saving, it must be balanced by the other two sectors of the economy, the government sector and the import/expert secto(r). In other words, the foreign and government sectors must spend more cash than they are taking in. In lay terms, that means running a trade surplus and having the government incur budget deficits.

Therefore, when both domestic households and the corporate sector are saving at the same time, then you need to have a VERY large trade surplus, a very large government deficit, or some combination of the two. There is no other way to square this circle – anyone who tries to tell you otherwise does not understand double entry book keeping, which the West has used for at least the last five centuries with some success.

And what if a government embarks on an austerity program in the face of private sector efforts to deleverage? Income growth will stall, and if the austerity program is large or sustained long enough, falling household wages and business profits can result.

That result might not sound bad, since lower wages and prices would make US goods more competitive abroad. But in economies suffering from a debt hangover, as incomes fall, it becomes even harder to make payments on outstanding loans. Defaults and bankruptcies cascade through the financial system, leading to even more reluctance to borrow and lend. In other words, the result of Austerian fiscal policies, is deflation – falling wages and prices – which can easily snowball into a depression.

So rather than marching toward Austeria by pursuing what are being presented as “sustainable” or “sound” spending policies requiring immediate budget retrenchment – and such assertions can only be made by those willfully blind to the interdependence of cash flows at the macro level – we need to kill two birds with one stone. Rather than blindly marching to Austeria, we need to set fiscal policy to the task of incentivizing the reinvestment of corporate profits in business operations rather than games at the casino.

Possible measures to achieve these aims include:

1) an aggressive tax on retained earnings that are not reinvested with a 24 month period after they have been booked (this provision needs to be designed carefully to defeat efforts to circumvent it through artful accounting);

2) a financial asset turnover tax that raises the cost to management (and others) of speculating rather than reinvesting profits in productive capital investment;

3) a reinvigorated public or public/private investment program that helps speed up the shift to new energy technologies (as scaling up usually induces a drop in unit costs of production).

The entrepreneurial pursuit of profitable growth has been the vital engine of prosperity since the Industrial Revolution. Yet incentives for both managers and investors now favor myopia and speculation, undermining the very operation of capitalism. We need tax and regulatory policies to counter this destructive development, along with wider recognition that government deficits are necessary and salutary if the corporate sector is under-investing to boost its short-term profits and households are prudently refusing to increase borrowing to accommodate it.

When both households and businesses attempt to net save, the adoption of Austerian School fiscal policies in highly leveraged economies, is well nigh certain to bring back our grandparents’ experience of debt deflation and economic depression. We must stop and seriously ask ourselves, in whose interest might these Austerian policies be? None dare call it malpractice, malfeasance, or even outright madness.

The NYT op ed is here. Enjoy!

See Is Bernanke’s “Plan B” Another $2+ Trillion For Wall St.?, Evans Liberal Politics, June 25, 2010, by Bob Swern.

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Mexican Democracy, Even Under Siege

Evans Liberal Politics
July 5, 2010

 

Mexican Democracy, Even Under Siege

 

Mexican Democracy, Even Under Siege, © The New York Times, July 5, 2010, by Marc Lacey, excerpt quoted verbatim:

MEXICO CITY — Campaign offices had been bombed, candidates threatened and killed, and dead bodies were even hung from bridges on the morning of the polling. But Mexico’s voters still turned out in relatively large numbers to choose new governors, mayors and state representatives over the weekend and managed to send an inspiring message amid all the violence: Mexico’s democracy, flawed as it may be, endures.

One of the nation’s most powerful factions — the country’s drug lords — had attempted to hijack the process. Through bloodshed, they managed to keep voter turnout down in some

states and scare off many poll workers, prompting one former president of the Federal Election Institute, Luis Carlos Ugalde, to lament that this was the first Mexican election in which drug dealers played a visible role in interrupting the process.But the polling went on and the results were accepted, with voters appearing to steer away from candidates with perceived links to traffickers. In the border state of Tamaulipas, the populace seemed particularly intent on declaring that drug lords should not decide elections, voting in the brother of a candidate who was murdered less than a week before Election Day by a wide margin.

Political analysts had predicted a huge win for the opposition Institutional Revolutionary Party, known as the P.R.I., which ruled Mexico for 71 years before voters broke its grip on the country’s politics a decade ago. And the P.R.I. did take nine of the 12 governorships that were up for grabs on Sunday, including in Tamaulipas.

But the clearest message that voters seemed to send was that no one party rules Mexico anymore, and that entrenched party machines no long have a lock on power. Voters were clearly fed up with the violence Mexico has experienced, interviews showed, and the fact that they turned out at all in some particularly dangerous areas was noteworthy.

Election Day in Mexico


Nudge on Nuclear Arms Further Divides U.S. and Israel

Evans Liberal Politics
July 4, 2010

 

Nudge on Nuclear Arms
Further Divides U.S. and Israel

 

Nudge on Arms Further Divides U.S. and Israel, © The New York Times, July 3, 2010, by Mark Landler, photo © N.Y. TImes/Oded Balilty, excerpt quoted verbatim:

WASHINGTON — It was only one paragraph buried deep in the most plain-vanilla kind of diplomatic document, 40 pages of dry language committing 189 nations to a world free of nuclear weapons. But it has become the latest source of friction between Israel and the United States in a relationship that has lurched from crisis to crisis over the last few months.

photo of Israeli leader Benjamin Netanyahu standing at a podium in from of an enormous American flag

At a meeting to review the Nuclear Nonproliferation Treaty in May, the United States yielded to demands by Arab nations that the final document urge Israel to sign the treaty — a way of spotlighting its historically undeclared nuclear weapons.

Israel believed it had assurances from the Obama administration that it would reject efforts to include such a reference, an Israeli official said, and it saw this as another sign of unreliability by its most important ally. In a recent visit to Washington, Israel’s defense minister, Ehud Barak, raised the issue in meetings with senior American officials.

With Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu scheduled to meet President Obama on Tuesday at the White House, the flap may introduce a discordant note into a meeting that both sides are eager to portray as a chance for Israel and the United States to turn the page after a rocky period.

Other things have changed notably for the better in American-Israeli relations since Mr. Netanyahu called off his last visit to the White House to rush home to deal with the crisis after Israel’s deadly attack on a humanitarian aid flotilla sailing to Gaza in late May. His agreement to ease the land blockade on Gaza, which came at the request of the United States, has helped thaw the chill between the governments, American and Israeli officials said.

Meanwhile, the raft of new sanctions against Iran over its nuclear program, after the passage of the United Nations resolution, has reassured Israelis, who viewed Mr. Obama’s attempts to engage Iran with unease. Mr. Obama signed the American sanctions into law on Thursday.

“The overall tone is more of a feel-good visit than we’ve seen in the past,” said David Makovsky, director of the Project on the Middle East Peace Process at the Washington Institute for Near East Policy. “It has been more focused on making sure that the Ides of March have passed.”

He was referring to the dispute during a visit to Israel by Vice President Joseph R. Biden Jr. in March, when Israel approved plans for Jewish housing in East Jerusalem. Mr. Obama was enraged by what he perceived as a slight to Mr. Biden, and when Mr. Netanyahu visited a few weeks later, the While House showed its displeasure by banning cameras from recording the visit.

But despite the better atmospherics, some analysts said the nuclear nonproliferation issue symbolizes why Israel remains insecure about the intentions of the Obama administration. In addition to singling out Israel, the document, which has captured relatively little public attention, calls for a regional conference in 2012 to lay the groundwork for a nuclear-free zone in the Middle East. Israel, whose nuclear arsenal is one of the world’s worst-kept secrets, would be on the hot seat at such a meeting.

At the last review conference, in 2005, the Bush administration refused to go along with any references to Israel, one of several reasons the meeting ended in acrimony, without any statement.

This time, Israel believed the Obama administration would again take up its cause. As a non-signatory to the treaty, Israel did not attend the meeting. But American officials consulted the Israelis on a text in advance, which they found acceptable, a person familiar with those discussions said. That deepened their surprise at the end.

Administration officials said the United States negotiated for months with Egypt, on behalf of the Arab states, to leave out the reference to Israel. While the United States supports the goal of a nuclear-free Middle East, it stipulated that any conference would be only a discussion, not the beginning of a negotiation to compel Israel to sign on to the treaty.

The United States practices a policy of ambiguity with respect to Israel’s nuclear stockpile, neither publicly discussing it nor forcing the Israeli government to acknowledge its existence.

The United States, recognizing that the document would upset the Israelis, sought to distance itself even as it signed it.

In a statement released after the conference ended, the national security adviser, Gen. James L. Jones, said, “The United States deplores the decision to single out Israel in the Middle East section of the NPT document.” He said it was “equally deplorable” that the document did not single out Iran for its nuclear ambitions. Any conference on a nuclear-free Middle East, General Jones said, could only come after Israel and its neighbors had made peace.

The United States, American officials said, faced a hard choice: refusing to compromise with the Arab states on Israel would have sunk the entire review conference. Given the emphasis Mr. Obama has placed on nonproliferation, the United States could not accept such an outcome.

It also would complicate the administration’s attempts to build bridges to the Arab world, an effort that is at the heart of some of the disagreements between the United States and Israel.

Mr. Netanyahu and Mr. Obama will have plenty of other things to discuss this week. After several rounds of indirect talks, brokered by the administration’s special envoy, George J. Mitchell, the United States is pushing the Israelis and the Palestinians to begin direct negotiations.

Read the full article, here.

See Despite Raid, Mostly Business as Usual for Israel and Turkey, The New York Times, July 2, 2010, by Dina Kraft.

*****

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